CSO Consultations in Greece

Participants voiced almost unanimous opinion that political parties and politicians view decision-making as their own domain. They formally listen, but in reality, don’t care. They ostentatiously support citizen engagement while influencing the populace. Politicians act as though they open the system, but they are not. The primary cause of the lack of meaningful participation is absence of political will. National and municipal engagement is below par, likely to worsen at European Union level. Alienation is expressed in rising abstention.

Transparency in public affairs and deliberations is of critical importance for obtaining political trust. Practices like publishing parliamentary, regional or municipal minutes exist, but are not always enforced or accessible. Publicity of proceedings should be automatic. Suggestions included regular publication of minutes through social media to ensure transparency and enhance trust.

Institutionalization of participatory practices was highlighted. Early citizen involvement was urged rather than symbolic, late-stage participation. Meaningful engagement must be supported by decision-makers, starting at the initial stages of policy development.

Public issues such as ecological and recycling or municipal budgeting show the need for community education to encourage participation. Introducing participation and deliberative practices into school curricula was emphasized as grassroots initiatives. Top-down programs like environmental education failed to stimulate genuine engagement, becoming additional subjects without impact.

Digital technologies and Apps emerged as key avenues. Wide use could improve transparency and publicity. Digital consultation may be useful if structured, precise, and focused. Technology might benefit participation but may also lead to harmful situations. It is necessary and complex.

The European Union was seen as facilitator. Given limited national-level initiatives, EU institutions and frameworks could pressure authorities to adopt participatory mechanisms such as participatory budgeting. Local government and community councils were identified as starting points due to proximity and relevance.

Organizing meetings and consultations was considered essential. Negative assumptions included politicians moderating themselves, setting agendas, and defining “good” and “bad” solutions. Some supported facilitation by experienced facilitators. Others saw actors between citizens and institutions as obstacles. NGOs often played roles but usually only in crisis management.

Emotions such as fear and mistrust influence participation. Citizens may be initially negative, but with explanation “active negativists” become “active volunteers.” Citizen consultations should be accountable, mobilizing lasting interest. All relevant stakeholders should be included, even people with a criminal record in prison discussions. Conditional funding and projects could activate citizens. Participation could be combined with local celebrations or fairs.

Constraints included political disinterest, limited state capacity, and unwillingness for self-reflection. The system was criticized for inability to undertake self-criticism, a barrier to innovations. Civil society organizations faced resource limitations in a restrictive environment. Genuine participation requires continuous engagement, not short-term projects.

For citizens to engage, there must be common areas and training. Without them, meaningful engagement cannot occur. Technologies and social media may facilitate participation and access, but limitations are clear. Tools often primarily benefit owners financially. Citizens may initially engage but lose interest over time. A barrier from the public side: voters demand things without considering complexity or expenses, making demands impractical.

Case studies illustrated these points. The digital platform vouliwatch.gr was cited as a negative example, highlighting government manipulation to show interest and support for controversial legislative changes such as child custody law. The Climate Assembly for Youth in Athens was highlighted as a promising municipal model.

Respondents expressed skepticism about citizens’ competencies on complex issues such as foreign or security policy. There was support for plebiscites at local and regional levels as educational tools, but not for issues like adoption of the common European currency. Referendums were described as polarizing, emotional, and difficult to revise, often replacing consultation rather than mitigating polarization.

Groups of citizens had different motivations: Pensioners: active, young people: absent. Political and institutional culture was questioned. One respondent said: “This culture is not established in our country, and there is no trust that anything will change.” Passive citizens and uncivil society reduce impact. Active people carry multiple jobs and volunteer work under pressure from others “extremely critical of practically everything.”

The disappearance of physical meeting places such as pubs, accelerated by the pandemic, was seen as a significant obstacle. Online environments are not suitable for consultation. Despite support for evidence-based policies, emotions and stories were seen as essential communication shortcuts. Emotions can attract but also trivialize, creating risks of anger or uncritical admiration. Social competence and functional literacy were considered key; without them, citizens rely on a “leader.”

The consultations revealed both optimistic and pessimistic reflections. Optimists emphasized advances in administration, legislation, and NGOs, citing “small” achievements such as new definitions in the Criminal Code, compensation for victims, and protection of debtors. Skeptics stressed complexity, dire straits, and failing efforts against marginalization.